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考研英语阅读题源来源广泛,取自《经济学人》、《纽约时报》、《新闻周刊》、《卫报》、《Nature》、《华盛顿邮报》、《The Scientist》等等【了解更多题源】,因此考生可以多关注一下此类文章。下面新东方在线分享一些考过的题源文章,并附上详细解析,本阶段复习,大家可以看看。
From The Economist
Sept.27,2007
AS the Waters Rise
As world leaders met to discuss climate change at the United Nations this
week, protesters outside seemed unconvinced that drowning islands and expanding
deserts were the plane's biggest woe. Latin Americans lamented the imperialism
of the United States. Vietnamese with Buddhist flags decried their govermnent's
impiety, while emigres from Iran deplored their rulers' religious fervour.
Inside the building, concerns were almost as diffuse. Some thought the most
pressing aspect of climate change was rising sea levels; others, the growing
intensity of storms and droughts; and others the spread of pests and diseases.
Many poor countries felt more money was needed to address the problem; rich ones
fretted about a lack of political will and popular enthusiasm. South Africa
wanted more "mainstreaming of women and youth". Bolivia's president, Evo
Morales, called capitalism the “worst enemy”,A sheikh from the United Arab
Emirates said too vigorous a response to global warming could wreck
oil-dependent economies. And President George Bush, not content with the UN
event, held his own meeting on climate change on September 27th.
In theory, both his gathering and the UN one aimed to foster debate about a
successor to the Kyoto protocol the UN's existing treaty on climate change,
which expires in 2012. But the rhetoric surrounding the two deliberations was
very different. At the UN meeting, almost every leader spoke of "common but
differentiated responsibilities”---jargon for the idea that rich countries must
cut their emissions of greenhouse gases, while poor ones carry on as normal
unless the rich world pays for them to clean up their act. The White House
affair, meanwhile, focused on disseminating green technology. The implicit
message was that binding emissions targets are counter-productive, and that any
solution must involve poor countries as well as rich ones.
Yvo de Boer, head of the agency that oversees Kyoto and its precursor, the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, says the gulf between
America and the rest is less wide than it appears. Although Mr. Bush is not yet
ready to contemplate a binding international treaty that would limit
greenhouse-gas emissions, he does advocate policies that could help trim
America's emissions. As it is, states representing over half of America's
emissions have pledged cuts of some kind. Congress, meanwhile, is contemplating
several bills that would impose a national cap. Australia, the other rich
country that rejected Kyoto, is also working on an emissions-reduction plan.
Poor countries, for the most part, are still refusing to accept any targets
of their own. They
argue that rich countries have not made enough use of the Clean Development
Mechanism(CDM), a scheme under Kyoto that lets countries with
emissions-reduction targets meet them in part through projects in poor
countries. Cuba's foreign minister, for one, dismissed rich countries' efforts
to date as modestisimo: he questioned the "moral authority” of leaders like Mr.
Bush. India merely vowed that its emissions per head would never exceed the
level of rich countries, a formula that still permits enormous growth.
But a few developing countries hinted at a more flexible stance. Mexico
suggested tying the aid given to poor countries through programmes like the CDM
to their efforts to combat climate change. Indonesia's president, amid more talk
of "differentiated responsibilities", said all countries should take on bigger
burdens, and told fellow leaders to "think outside the box". There was much
discussion--albeit mostly on the sidelines--of poor countries taking on targets
for emissions per head, or per unit of output in certain industries.
All this hints at the shape of things to come. America and Australia can
probably be enticed to limit emissions, especially if, as expected, both get new
governments in the next year or two. But the oversight and administration of
such a deal might be looser than under Kyoto, given America's suspicion of
global bureaucrats. Poor countries might he induced to take on targets of some
sort, albeit of a less exacting sort than the straight emissions cuts faced by
rich countries. But forging such a deal could take an age: neither America nor
the UN expect any conclusion before late 2008.Perhaps those low-lying islands
should not count on staying dry.
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