考研阅读精选：利比亚现状 — 新的时间表出炉
『卡扎菲死后，利比亚新格局正在形成 。』A new timetable
利比亚现状 — 新的时间表出炉
Oct 29th, 2011 | from The economist
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WHEN Libya’s new rulers declared on October 23rd that their country,with the fall of Sirte and the death of Muammar Qaddafi, haddefinitively been liberated, a constitutional-cum1-electoral clock beganto tick. First, within a month, the chairman of the current NationalTransitional Council, Mustafa Abdel Jalil, is to appoint an interim2government. Within three months it should pass preliminary electorallaws. And within eight months Libyans are to elect about 200 delegatesto an assembly charged with3 drafting a constitution to be approved by areferendum4 within another year, meaning mid-2013. Once theconstitution is endorsed5, elections for a parliament and later for apresident will follow.
Unlike neighboring Tunisia6, whichalready had a constitution worth amending7, Libya is starting fromscratch8, since the colonel abhorred9 such things. In a speech toannounce Libya’s liberation, Mr Abdel Jalil said the country’s lawswould be based on sharia1, that “usury2” would be banned and polygamy3allowed. This dismayed4 many secular-minded5 Libyans, who chided6 himfor pre-empting7 decisions that will be the purview8 of the constituentassembly.
Mr Abdel Jalil commands9 respect both fromIslamists. But he may find it hard to maintain harmony betweenfactions10 as they draft a constitution. Proceedings in the council havebeen tense since the killing in July of Abdel Fatah Younis. Since then,the avuncular11 chairman has held things together12. “It is veryimportant that the council sticks to its timetable and that no oneprolongs it,” says Guma el-Gamaty.
But rushing things may createproblems, too. Libya has no licensed political parties and no formalforum yet for discussing the future in a constructive way. They cannotbe created overnight. As elsewhere in the region, the Islamists seembetter organised than their secular rivals13.
The first stepmust be reining14 in the plethora15 of paramilitary forces that arebasking in their triumph over Colonel Qaddafi and integrating them into afledgling16 national army. This too will take time. Many of themilitias have ferocious local loyalties. Abdel Hakim Belhaj, an Islamistwho commands Tripoli’s anti-Qaddafi forces, has proposed a plan to drawthe revolutionaries into a new army and police force.
Meanwhile, theformer head of the council’s executive committee stepped down17 onOctober 23rd. His deputy, Ali Tarhouni, who holds the oil and financeportfolios18, is set to replace him. But the Misrata faction is alsolobbying for one of its own to have the job. Mr Abdel Jalil’s future isalso unclear. He previously said that he too would step down once theliberation was declared. But many people hope—and guess—he can bepersuaded to stay on as a calming influence.
Rivalry betweenBenghazi and Tripoli for control of the oil sector persists. Libya’s oilmen are getting production back on stream a lot faster than manyexpected. Investors are already returning in droves1 but it is not yetclear who is empowered to oversee the contracts. Such uncertainties areinevitable2 in the early days of the new order. But some ministries,including those in charge of energy and finance, are already runningquite well. Compared with Iraq in the days after the fall of SaddamHussein, Libya is in much better shape3. (533 words)
文章地址: http://www.economist.com/node/21534813
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