2006年考研英语阅读mp3（含字幕)
http://f1.w.hjfile.cn/doc/201507/200601120779136.mp3
Text 1
In spite of “endless talk of difference, ” American society is an amazing machine for homogenizing people.
不管我们如何喋喋不休地谈论差别，美国社会实际上是一台同化人们的神奇的机器。
There is “the democratizing uniformity of dress and discourse, and the casualness and absence of deference” characteristic of popular culture.
这就是民主化的着装和言谈，并且还有种随意和缺乏尊重感，这些构成了通俗文化的特性。
People are absorbed into “a culture of consumption” launched by the 19th-century department stores that offered “vast arrays of goods in an elegant atmosphere. Instead of intimate shops catering to a knowledgeable elite, ”
人们被一种消费文化所吸引了，这种文化是由十九世纪在高雅的氛围中陈列着琳琅满目的商品的百货商店所开始的，不是为了迎合有知识的精英们而开设的专门商店，
these were stores “anyone could enter, regardless of class or background.
而是创建了“不分阶层和背景人人都可以进入”的大众商店。
This turned shopping into a public and democratic act.”
这使得购物成为一种大众的、民主的行为。
The mass media, advertising and sports are other forces for homogenization.
大众传媒、广告和体育也是协助人们均质化的推动力。
Immigrants are quickly fitting into this common culture, which may not be altogether elevating but is hardly poisonous.
尽管这种文化并不算高雅，但也算不上有害，移民们很快就融入了这种共同文化。
Writing for the National Immigration Forum, Gregory Rodriguez reports that today's immigration is neither at unprecedented levels nor resistant to assimilation.
Gregory Rodriguez 为美国移民研讨会撰文指出，今天的移民既不是处于空前的水平，也不抵制同化。
In 1998 immigrants were 9. 8 percent of population; in 1900, 13. 6 percent.
在 1998 年，移民占全国人口的 9.8%；在 1900 年为 13.6%。
In the 10 years prior to 1990, 3. 1 immigrants arrived for every 1, 000 residents;
在 1990年以前的十年之中，在每千位居民当中，有千分之 3.1的新来的移民；
in the 10 years prior to 1890, 9. 2 for every 1, 000.
而在 1890 年以前的十年之中，每千位居民当中就有千分之 9.2 的移民。
Now, consider three indices of assimilation -- language, home ownership and intermarriage.
现在，让我们来看一下三个同化指标——语言、拥有产权住房和异族结婚情况。
The 1990 Census revealed that “a majority of immigrants from each of the fifteen most common countries of origin spoke English 'well' or 'very well' after ten years of residence. ”
1990年的人口普查透露：“来自十五个移民数量最多的国家的移民在到美国十年后英语说得‘好’或‘很好’。”
The children of immigrants tend to be bilingual and proficient in English.
移民的子女几乎都说两种语言，且精通英语。
“By the third generation, the original language is lost in the majority of immigrant families. ”
“到了第三代，在大多数移民家庭，他们的母语就消失了。”
Hence the description of America as a “graveyard” for languages.
因此，有人就把美国描 述成了“语言的坟场”。
By 1996 foreign-born immigrants who had arrived before 1970 had a home ownership rate of 75. 6 percent, higher than the 69. 8 percent rate among native-born Americans.
到了 1996 年，出生于国外的、在 1970 年以前到达美国的移民有 75.6%购置了自己的住房，这个数字高出土生土长的美国人的拥有自己所有权住房的百分比——69.8%。
Foreign-born Asians and Hispanics “have higher rates of intermarriage than do U. S. -born whites and blacks. ”
在国外出生的亚裔和西班牙裔移民“与美国本土白人和黑人相比，与异族通婚的比率要高。”
By the third generation, one third of Hispanic women are married to non-Hispanics,
到了第三代，有三分之一的西班牙裔女性与非西班牙裔男性结婚，
and 41 percent of Asian-American women are married to non-Asians.
而有41%亚裔美国妇女与非亚裔男性结婚。
Rodriguez notes that children in remote villages around the world are fans of superstars like Arnold Schwarzenegger and Garth Brooks,
罗得里格斯写道，即使那些住 在世界各地偏僻村庄的的孩子们都是诸如阿诺·施瓦辛格和加思·布鲁克斯等明星的星迷，
yet “some Americans fear that immigrants living within the United States remain somehow immune to the nation's assimilative power. ”
然而“一些美国人却害怕住在美国的移民不知怎样才能免受美国的同化力量影响” 。
Are there divisive issues and pockets of seething anger in America? Indeed.
在美国是否存在不和以及潜在的不安？答案是肯定的，
It is big enough to have a bit of everything.
因为这个国家足够大以至于什么现象都存在。
But particularly when viewed against America's turbulent past, today's social indices hardly suggest a dark and deteriorating social environment.
但是与美国动荡狂暴的过去相比，如今的社会基本不能说明美国的社会环境正在恶化，变得黑暗。
http://f1.w.hjfile.cn/doc/201507/200602120780293.mp3
Text 2
Stratford-on-Avon, as we all know, has only one industry -- William Shakespeare -- but there are two distinctly separate and increasingly hostile branches.
众所周知 Stratford-on-Avon 只有一个特色，那就是威廉·莎士比亚，但这儿却有两个相互独立的部门，他们随着时间的变化而日益变得敌对。
There is the Royal Shakespeare Company (RSC), which presents superb productions of the plays at the Shakespeare Memorial Theatre on the Avon.
这儿有皇家莎士比亚公司（RSC），它在 Avon 的莎士比亚纪念剧院里将很多优秀的戏剧作品呈现给大家 。
And there are the townsfolk who largely live off the tourists who come, not to see the plays, but to look at Anne Hathaway's Cottage, Shakespeare's birthplace and the other sights.
这儿的居民大部分是靠挣来游玩的游客的钱来维持生计，这些游客并不是来看戏剧的，而是来看 Anne Hathaway的庄园。这是莎士比亚的出生地和其他的景色。
The worthy residents of Stratford doubt that the theatre adds a penny to their revenue.
Stratford 的当地乡绅们都质疑剧院有没有为当地的税收收入做一点贡献。
They frankly dislike the RSC's actors, them with their long hair and beards and sandals and noisiness.
他们直言讨厌 RSC的演员，这些演员留着长头发，长胡须，拖着凉鞋，吵吵嚷嚷。
It's all deliciously ironic when you consider that Shakespeare, who earns their living, was himself an actor (with a beard) and did his share of noise-making.
这真是一种绝妙的讽刺，当你想到作为他们摇钱树的莎士比亚，自己也是个演员，留着胡子，一起大吵大闹。
The tourist streams are not entirely separate.
游客群并不是完全分开的。
The sightseers who come by bus -- and often take in Warwick Castle and Blenheim Palace on the side --
游览者乘公车来，经常会去游览 Warwick城堡和Blenheim 宫殿，
don't usually see the plays, and some of them are even surprised to find a theatre in Stratford.
通常不会去看戏，并且他们中的一些人甚至会对在 Stratford 能找到剧院感到惊讶。
However, the playgoers do manage a little sight-seeing along with their playgoing.
然而，看戏者只花少量的时间在观光上，也就是在戏剧演出时顺便看看。
It is the playgoers, the RSC contends, who bring in much of the town's revenue because they spend the night (some of them four or five nights) pouring cash into the hotels and restaurants.
RSC主张，是看戏者给城镇带来大量的税收，因为他们通常花整晚上时间（有些是四到五个晚上） 在旅馆或饭店里大量消费。
The sightseers can take in everything and get out of town by nightfall.
然而游览者在当天的黄昏前就能把所有事情做完了，然后离开小镇。
The townsfolk don't see it this way and local council does not contribute directly to the subsidy of the Royal Shakespeare Company.
当地居民并不这么认为，地方政府也直接没有给予RSC补贴。
Stratford cries poor traditionally.
Stratford 一向都会哭穷。
Nevertheless every hotel in town seems to be adding a new wing or cocktail lounge.
然而城镇上每一家旅馆似乎都增加了新的部门或是鸡尾酒酒吧。
Hilton is building its own hotel there, which you may be sure will be decorated with Hamlet Hamburger Bars, the Lear Lounge, the Banquo Banqueting Room, and so forth, and will be very expensive.
希尔顿也在这儿建了一座自己的酒店，这里肯定可以能看到被装饰一新的哈姆雷特汉堡酒吧，Lear 休息室，宴会厅等等。进一步说，这里消费将很贵。
Anyway, the townsfolk can't understand why the Royal Shakespeare Company needs a subsidy.
总之，居民不明白为什么 RSC 需要补贴。
(The theatre has broken attendance records for three years in a row.
（剧院已经打破了连续三年以来的就座率纪录。
Last year its 1, 431 seats were 94 percent occupied all year long and this year they'll do better. )
去年整年的 1431 个座位的就坐率达到了94%，今年将会更高。）
The reason, of course, is that costs have rocketed and ticket prices have stayed low.
当然，原因是，演戏的花费高了，然而票价仍然很低。
It would be a shame to raise prices too much because it would drive away the young people who are Stratford's most attractive clientele.
大幅增加票价是一件很为难的事情，因为这样会把 Stratford 的最有魅力的顾客－年轻人赶走。
They come entirely for the plays, not the sights.
他们完全是为了戏而来，不是为风景。
They all seem to look alike (though they come from all over) -- lean, pointed, dedicated faces, wearing jeans and sandals,
他们看起来都一个样（虽然他们从各个地方而来）——消瘦、率直、专注的脸庞，穿着牛仔裤和便鞋，
eating their buns and bedding down for the night on the flagstones outside the theatre to buy the 20 seats and 80 standing-room tickets held for the sleepers and sold to them when the box office opens at 10:30 a. m.
吃着小圆面包，在剧场外的石板上过夜，以便能买得到 20张座票和80张站票，这些票都是为那些睡觉的人准备的，并且在票房第二天上午 10点半开始售票时就卖给他们。
http://f1.w.hjfile.cn/doc/201507/200603120727336.mp3
Text 3
When prehistoric man arrived in new parts of the world, something strange happened to the large animals: they suddenly became extinct.
当史前的人到达世界的一个新的地方时，那里的大部分动物就会发生奇怪的事情，它们突然灭绝了。
Smaller species survived.
小部分动物种族存活了下来。
The large, slow-growing animals were easy game, and were quickly hunted to extinction.
但大部分的，成长缓慢的动物则成了狩猎的目标，并且很快被狩猎到灭绝。
Now something similar could be happening in the oceans.
现在相类似的事情发生在大海中.
That the seas are being overfished has been known for years.
这些年在海中的捕捞活动太过频繁。
What researchers such as Ransom Myers and Boris Worm have shown is just how fast things are changing.
就像 Ransom Myers 和 Boris Worm 这些年所研究的，事物在迅速地变化着。
They have looked at half a century of data from fisheries around the world.
他们研究了半个世纪以来世界上所有的鱼场。
Their methods do not attempt to estimate the actual biomass (the amount of living biological matter) of fish species in particular parts of the ocean,
他们的方法不是为了试图估算特定区域的海洋中实际动物总数（活着生物的总数），
but rather changes in that biomass over time.
而是研究单位面积中海洋生物数量的变化。
According to their latest paper published in Nature,
根据他们最近在《自然》杂志上发表的文章，
the biomass of large predators (animals that kill and eat other animals) in a new fishery is reduced on average by 80% within 15 years of the start of exploitation.
大型食肉的海洋 生物（一种捕杀猎食其它动物的生物）的总量在 15 年的时间里已经减少了平均 80%。
In some long-fished areas, it has halved again since then.
在一些大型的捕鱼场，这个数量已经减半。
Dr. Worm acknowledges that these figures are conservative.
Worm 博士承认这些数字还只是保守数字。
One reason for this is that fishing technology has improved.
一个原因是今天的捕鱼技术已经大大改善。
Today's vessels can find their prey using satellites and sonar, which were not available 50 years ago.
可以通过卫星和声波来发现猎物。这些在50年前是不可能的。
That means a higher proportion of what is in the sea is being caught, so the real difference between present and past is likely to be worse than the one recorded by changes in catch sizes.
这意味着同50年前相比可以捕获更多的海洋生物，所以现在和过去的真正差距可能会比之前在捕获区记录的数据所显示的更糟糕。
In the early days, too, longlines would have been more saturated with fish.
在早期的时候，多勾的鱼杆线已经对鱼不起作用了。
Some individuals would therefore not have been caught, since no baited hooks would have been available to trap them, leading to an underestimate of fish stocks in the past.
因此有一些鱼种没被抓到，往后没有鱼饵的鱼钩根本捕不到鱼，导致过去的捕鱼业受到轻视。
Furthermore, in the early days of longline fishing, a lot of fish were lost to sharks after they had been hooked.
而且，早期用鱼钩捕鱼的日子， 有许多鱼在它们上钩后被鲨鱼给吃了。
That is no longer a problem, because there are fewer sharks around now.
那不再是个问题，因为现在鲨鱼已经很少了。
Dr. Myers and Dr. Worm argue that their work gives a correct baseline, which future management efforts must take into account.
Dr. Myers 和 Dr. worm 声称说，他们的工作已经确定了一个正确的基本方针，这个方针是未来管理中必须要使用的。
They believe the data support an idea current among marine biologists, that of the “shifting baseline.”
他们认为数据恰恰体现了一个海洋生物学家都支持的观点。这个观点就是“改变基线”。
The notion is that people have failed to detect the massive changes which have happened in the ocean because they have been looking back only a relatively short time into the past.
这个概念就是说人们已经很难观察得到大范围海洋中发生的变化，因为他们只是回顾从过去以来相对短的时间。
That matters because theory suggests that the maximum sustainable yield that can be cropped from a fishery comes when the biomass of a target species is about 50% of its original levels.
这确有其事，因为理论告诉我们如果一个渔场的总储量如果连起初的最大可承受的捕鱼量的50％都不到，就应该降低捕鱼数量了。
Most fisheries are well below that, which is a bad way to do business.
大多数渔场远远低于这个数，这是对以后的捕鱼业非常不利的。
http://f1.w.hjfile.cn/doc/201507/200604120783552.mp3
Text 4
Many things make people think artists are weird.
许多事情让人们觉得艺术家很古怪。
But the weirdest may be this: artists'only job is to explore emotions, and yet they choose to focus on the ones that feel bad.
最古怪可能是：艺术家的唯一工作就是寻找情感，然而他们所关注的对象大多是那些不幸的人。
This wasn't always so.
当然不总是那样。
The earliest forms of art, like painting and music, are those best suited for expressing joy.
艺术的最早形式，像绘画和音乐，都是最适合表达快乐的。
But somewhere from the 19th century onward, more artists began seeing happiness as meaningless, phony or, worst of all, boring,
但在19世纪的某个时期，更多的艺术家开始把快乐看成无意义的，假冒的，甚至是最糟的。
as we went from Wordsworth's daffodils to Baudelaire's flowers of evil.
我们可以从 Wordsworth 的《黄水仙》到 Baudelaire 的《罪恶之花》看出这种变化。
You could argue that art became more skeptical of happiness because modern times have seen so much misery.
你可能会争论艺术变得对幸福如此怀疑是因为在现代看到了这样的苦难。
But it's not as if earlier times didn't know perpetual war, disaster and the massacre of innocents.
但这并不是因为在早期不了解持久的战争, 灾难和大规模的屠杀无辜。
The reason, in fact, may be just the opposite: there is too much damn happiness in the world today.
事实上，原因可能与之相反：现在世界上有太多快乐要去谴责。
After all, what is the one modern form of expression almost completely dedicated to depicting happiness? Advertising.
归根结底，几乎完全致力于描写快乐的那种现代表现方式是什么呢？广告。
The rise of anti-happy art almost exactly tracks the emergence of mass media,
反快乐艺术的兴起几乎完全与大众传媒同步出现，
and with it, a commercial culture in which happiness is not just an ideal but an ideology.
而随之兴起了一种商业文化，在这种文化中，快乐不仅是一个抽象概念，而是一种意识形态。
People in earlier eras were surrounded by reminders of misery.
早期的人们被悲痛之使者所萦绕。
They worked until exhausted, lived with few protections and died young.
他们工作到筋疲力尽，生活几无保障，年纪轻轻就命丧黄泉。
In the West, before mass communication and literacy, the most powerful mass medium was the church,
在西方，在大众传媒和文学普及之前，最有效的大众媒体是教堂，
which reminded worshippers that their souls were in danger and that they would someday be meat for worms.
它提醒信徒们，他们的灵魂处于危险之中，他们总有一天会成为蛆虫的食物。
Given all this, they did not exactly need their art to be a bummer too.
在这种信仰下，他们对此已十分了然，无须其艺术再表现这种失落感。
Today the messages the average Westerner is surrounded with are not religious but commercial, and forever happy.
今天，你们普通西方人面对的围绕我们四周的信息不是宗教的，而是商业的，而且一直让人快乐。
Fast-food eaters, news anchors, text messengers, all smiling, smiling, smiling.
快餐食客、新闻主播、发短信的人，都在笑啊笑啊。
Our magazines feature beaming celebrities and happy families in perfect homes.
我们的杂志突出刊登满面春风的名人和美满幸福的家庭。
And since these messages have an agenda -- to lure us to open our wallets
这样的消息都有一项任务——即引诱我们打开钱包
-- they make the very idea of happiness seem unreliable.
使这些看起来并不可靠的快乐变得真实起来。
“Celebrate!” commanded the ads for the arthritis drug Celebrex, before we found out it could increase the risk of heart attacks.
“欢庆吧！”宣传关节炎良药西乐葆的广告这样号召道，随后我们却发现它能增加心脏病的发病率。
But what we forget -- what our economy depends on us forgetting -- is that happiness is more than pleasure without pain.
但是我们所忘记的是――我们的经济依赖着我们的遗忘――经过痛苦得来的快乐比没有经过痛苦得来的快乐好得多。
The things that bring the greatest joy carry the greatest potential for loss and disappointment.
带给我们最大快乐的事件，同时也暗含着巨大的损失和失望。
Today, surrounded by promises of easy happiness, we need art to tell us, as religion once did, Memento mori:
现在，在耳边充斥着能轻易得到快乐的承诺时，我们需要有人告诉我们，正如宗教曾经所做，死亡警示：
remember that you will die, that everything ends, and that happiness comes not in denying this but in living with it.
记住你会死，一切将会终结， 快乐虽然到来，但是它不能消除苦难，而是与其共存。
It's a message even more bitter than a clove cigarette, yet, somehow, a breath of fresh air.
这可能比抽烟更加毒害人的健康，然而，不知为何，也许会带来一股清新的气息。
http://f1.w.hjfile.cn/doc/201507/200605010774732.mp3
text5
Is it true that the American intellectual is rejected and considered of no account in his society?
美国的知识分子被他们的所在社会拒绝并不认为是社会组成的一部分，这一情况属实么？
I am going to suggest that it is not true.
我将暗示一下这不是真实的情况。
Father Bruckberger told part of the story when he observed that it is the intellectuals who have rejected America.
当父亲Bruckbergen观察发现正是知识分子自己拒绝了美国，他揭露了一部分真相。
But they have done more than that.
但是，他们所做的不仅限于此。
They have grown dissatisfied with the role of intellectual.
他们逐渐对知识分子的角色感到不满。
It is they, not America, who have become anti-intellectual.
正是他们自身，而不是美国，变为了反知识分子。
First, the object of our study pleads for definition.
首先，我们的研究目标是来力求一个定义。
What is an intellectual?
什么是知识分子？
I shall define him as an individual who has elected as his primary duty and pleasure in life the activity of thinking in a Socratic way about moral problems.
我把知识分子定义为这样的个体：他用苏格拉底的方式思考道德问题，并以此作为其生命中的主要职责与乐趣。
He explores such problems consciously, articulately, and frankly, first by asking factual questions, then by asking moral questions,
他首先提出实际问题，然后提出道德层面上的问题，
finally by suggesting action which seems appropriate in the light of the factual and moral information which he has obtained.
最后提出看起来和他所获得的实际和道德信息相符合的行动建议。
His function is analogous to that of a judge, who must accept the obligation of revealing in as obvious a manner as possible the course of reasoning which led him to his decision.
通过这一系列行为来清晰明了真实地探究此类问题。知识分子的作用与法官的作用类似，后者必须承担用尽可能明显的方式来揭示让他做出决定的推理过程的责任。
This definition excludes many individuals usually referred to as intellectuals -- the average scientist, for one.
该定义排除了多个通常被称为知识分子的个体――对于个人而言是普通的科学家。
I have excluded him because, while his accomplishments may contribute to the solution of moral problems, he has not been charged with the task of approaching any but the factual aspects of those problems.
我之所以把普通科学家排除在外，是因为虽然他的成就有助于解决道德问题，但是他只是触及了这些问题的事实方面。
Like other human beings, he encounters moral issues even in the everyday performance of his routine duties --
和其他人类一样，即使在日常例行职责的表现中也会遇到道德问题--
he is not supposed to cook his experiments, manufacture evidence, or doctor his reports.
人们并不会要求他可以烹饪实验，加工事实或医治报告。
But his primary task is not to think about the moral code which governs his activity, any more than a businessman is expected to dedicate his energies to an exploration of rules of conduct in business.
但是普通科学家的主要任务并非是思考约束其行为的道德准则，这正如人们不期望商人致力于探究商业行为规范。
During most of his waking life he will take his code for granted, as the businessman takes his ethics.
在其大部分的人生中，他将认同他的行为准则，正如商人认同商人的道德规范。
The definition also excludes the majority of teachers, despite the fact that teaching has traditionally been the method whereby many intellectuals earn their living.
该定义同样排除了多数教师，尽管事实上，教育是许多知识分子用来谋生的传统方法。
They may teach very well and more than earn their salaries, but most of them make little or no independent reflections on human problems which involve moral judgment.
教师可能擅长教书，而且不仅仅专注于赚钱，但是大部分教师对涉及人类道德判断的问题很少或没有进行独立的思考。
This description even fits the majority of eminent scholars.
大部分著名学者甚至都符合这一描述。
Being learned in some branch of human knowledge is one thing, living in "public and illustrious thoughts, ” as Emerson would say, is something else.
在人类知识的某一分支是专家是一回事；而生活在如爱默生过去常提到的"公共而勤勉的想法"之中又是另外一回事。
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